This is the risk of the long episode of the pension reform

Away prematurely last year by Charcot disease, English scholar Tony Judt, who became one of the masters to think of the American liberal left, had the France, since its passage on the banks of normal sub, one of his preferred subjects for reflection. In one of his articles (grouped under the title "Back on the 20th century" to the Editions Héloïse of Ormesson), while playing our propensity to have throughout the motorways with information panels to report drivers remarkable sites that they could have discovered if they were not passed just stormed side. "There is an obvious irony, noted, the fact that need you to travel on roads separating you rigorously the small details of the landscape that can book you an interpretation.". A many ways, battle for 60 years until the cartoon illustrated this form of nominalism hexagonal, characteristic of our system of social relations.

First because it is focused almost exclusively on the highly symbolic figure of 60 years, social conquest of 1981. A polarization which has eclipsed all the "small details of the landscape" of retirement in France, one of the most complex that are with hundreds of basic plans and thousands of supplementary schemes. For much of the middle classes, the only lengthen the duration of contribution required to be eligible for a pension at full rate is much more that penalizing the extension of two years of age. However, he really did debate, in 1993, when the Balladur Government became the basis of its reform and the CFDT had it even promoted as its cursor preferred, when it criticized the terms of the Socialist Act of 1982, already social fairness. If the PS of Martine Aubry was going after his promise to restore the 60 years for return to power, it is likely that it would be forced to further harden this test to the risk of pushing for more and more employees the actual age of retirement beyond age 65.

Encrypted data of another kind also wrongfully occupied the front of the stage, that of participation in the processions of the days of action. By forcing more that custom their estimates of the number of demonstrators, to achieve the "scores" never seen under the V Republic, the trade unions have tried to hide what is heavy in our social landscape trend: the decline of the conflict, in public as in the private. Since the 1970s, the individual strike recorded each year days almost never ceased to decline, to, on average, at a historically low level, a curve that has not reversed the shock of the Juppe plan in 1995. The concentration of the substance of its workforce in the public service and six companies (EDF, GDF) status become GDF Suez, RATP, SNCF, La Poste, France Telecom has provided for long outstanding blocking capacity to the CGT. It is less and less the case, as it appeared during the fall, which is a strategic issue complicated the CGT Secretary-General Bernard Thibault. The industrial doctrine of basis of its central, that strike pay always in one way or another, is seriously undermined. The discussions in the CGT on the consequences of this unprecedented situation have, apparently, never been as intense as today ' today.

More long term and if it is true, of course, the failure of the strike at the national level would not that other great feature of our public life is the "social dialogue" in French. "Ready to get out of the doublespeak of booked confederations to extol the virtues of social dialogue while preferring, in practice, the way political", wondered François Chérèque, before the CFDT activists at the Congress of Grenoble in June 2006. The fact is that, since the Protocol of Grenelle, forty-two years ago, major "social conquests" were imposed by the public authorities, whether laws Auroux, retirement at age 60, RMI or 35 hours. Major subjects such as vocational social security, the work of the elderly and hardship, not to mention the means to restore the balance of the social protection and make it more effective vocational training, one and the other managed theoretically under the regime of the joint system, seem permanently stuck. Employers and unions have made in recent years that some notable breakthroughs at the national level, such as agreements on the rules of the bargaining on Union representativeness, 2004 and "amicable separation" in 2008. With the exception of this last point, the only one on which the Medef was plaintiff, cannot say whether it is very close questions of life of employees.

This is the risk of the long episode of the pension reform. That this triumph of "social entertainment" abuse the Union actors themselves on their current ability to weigh by force report next upcoming sites, which will pass by the delivery flat of vested benefits. The social can no longer be abstract economic constraints, under penalty of leaving the State to impose.